SEC Marketing Rule to be Enforced Next Week

Compliance for a new rule aimed at preventing investment advisers from misleading clients goes into effect November 4, next Friday.



The deadline for compliance with a new SEC marketing rule is fast approaching, and because of the way the SEC has rolled it out, enforcement of the new definition of an advertisement and compliance with the rest of the new rule is expected to be immediate.

The compliance date for the new SEC marketing rule is November 4, next Friday. The new rule aims to prevent investment advisers, including the advisers to private funds, from misleading clients by expanding the definition of advertisement and adding disclosure requirements for advisers.

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The rule was initially adopted in December 2020 under the authority of the Investment Advisers Act of 1940. The rule took effect in May 2021, but advisers had the option to follow the new rule or stick with the previous rules. On November 4, the new rule becomes mandatory, and according to a risk alert, the regulator intends to begin checking for compliance on that date.

The rule requires that any advertisement that contains gross performance for an asset must now also provide the net performance of the same asset by accounting for various fees and other costs. In the alternative, an adviser is allowed to only provide net performance or to provide neither in an advertisement, according to Dan Bresler, a partner at Seward and Kissel LLP.

The definition of advertisement is also broadened to include any communication to more than one person that offers or describe the adviser’s services. When hypothetical performance of a security or investment is included, then it is considered an advertisement if it is provided to even one person.

“Needlessly Prescriptive”

The American Investment Council, in a June 2020 comment letter filed with the SEC, said the regulation is “needlessly prescriptive.” The council’s comment letter was particularly concerned with conversations with clients, especially those conducted by an adviser’s employees, since they may have to seek approval from counsel before answering a client’s questions. They may have to rely on “stock” or pre-approved marketing talking points even when they are not fully appropriate for the situation.

However, according to Bresler, “extemporaneous, live, oral communication are excluded.”

Alex Egan, a director in CPA and advisory firm Kaufman Rossin’s risk advisory services practice, concurs, saying that oral communication that is live or extemporaneous does not count toward the marketing rule. However, if an adviser uses prepared talking points or a presentation, then that sort of communication would likely fall under the new rule. Most one-on-one conversations with a client will not be covered by the rule, unless they refer to hypothetical performance, according to Egan.

At the time the proposal was made, the AIC voiced its concerns about its application to advertisements that include content from a third party. AIC argued that the rule should not apply where an adviser lacks editorial control over the content, and merely makes recommendations. They had said advisers should also be allowed to make simple edits to third party marketing content within clear guidelines without becoming responsible for the underlying content.

Egan says that if an adviser forwards or shares marketing materials made by a third party in a manner that expresses an endorsement or approval of that material, then that adviser is responsible for those materials under the rule as if they had made it themselves. Assisting in the production of materials published by a third party also makes the adviser accountable for the content under the rule.

Time Crunch

Bresler says that this rule is “a lot of work for advisers.” Many will need to re-examine materials and even re-negotiate some agreements. However, given the amount of time that the SEC has given advisers to come into compliance, the SEC will likely lack sympathy in its enforcement, says Bresler.

Egan notes that this regulation may be “a bigger lift than they may have anticipated,” especially for advisers that do a lot of marketing. He adds that “a lot of advisers in the regulatory space take a ‘wait and see’ approach” in order to notice best practices and study the regulation’s applications before committing to a plan of action. The SEC also often provides continuing guidance and answers to FAQs during a transition period, and therefore the burden to become compliant should not be read as advisers simply procrastinating the entire time necessarily.

For private funds’ advisers, the Alternative Investment Management Association, in a forward to its marketing rule implementation guide, cautioned that the rule “is set to make a significant impact to the way that SEC-registered investment advisers market their services and investment advisers should not underestimate the changes that will be required to achieve compliance with the new rule.”

The foreword, by Shivani Choudhary and Karen Anderberg of the ACA Group and Christi James and Laurel Neale of Dechert LLP, also says that making changes “to adhere to the new regime is not going to be a simple undertaking, therefore it is crucial that firms understand that preparations for the marketing rule cannot happen overnight.”

Along with other changes, the new rule permits paid testimonial-style advertising, with a variety of restrictions and disclosure requirements.

 

 

 

Which Party Does the Financial Industry Support?

It’s complicated. Data shows that some sub-industries within finance tend to support Democrats while others support Republicans.



Campaign contribution data from financial related industries obtained from opensecrets.org for Senator Wyden, D-Oregon and chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, and Senator Crapo, R-Idaho and ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee, shows higher support for Wyden from the securities and investment industry and higher support from commercial banks and finance and credit companies for Crapo.

Senators Wyden and Crapo are well-suited to have their contributions compared and used as a case study for industry support for the Democratic and Republican parties. Donations to this pair should produce more insight into industry support for their respective parties than any other pairing in the Senate.

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They are both incumbent senators, so they would both benefit from incumbent fundraising advantages. They are both up for re-election this year, so donors who donate late in an election cycle are included for both candidates. They both hold seats that are considered electorally safe, meaning the donors are unlikely to be interested in trying to swing a close election. They are also both the highest ranking members of the Senate Finance Committee of their respective parties, so neither is receiving a seniority bonus that the other isn’t.

And they represent states not noted for their financial industry, meaning many of their financial industry donors are from other states.

Research from Brandice Canes-Wrone , professor of politics at Princeton University, and Kenneth Miller, professor of political science at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas shows that candidates that are more reliant on out-of-state donors tend to be more responsive to the opinions of the national donor base as opposed to the opinion of the voters they represent. Safer seats, such as those occupied by Senators Wyden and Crapo, also tend to be more responsive to national voters. Since finance is a national industry, clustered in states not represented by Wyden and Crapo, such as New York, the influence of the national donor base on financial issues ought to be particularly acute for both.

But why donate to a candidate in a safe seat? If they will win in any case, why not save your money? Candidates in safe seats are still expected by their party to fundraise, and candidates can transfer unlimited sums of money to the national and state party committees. Therefore, contributions can still increase their prestige and leverage within their party, and so donations can still be used to curry favor with them, researchers found.

Research from Anthony Fowler, professor of public policy at the University of Chicago, shows that corporations normally do not benefit enough from electing favored candidates, at least not by a margin to justify their donation. However, donors are more likely to get meetings with members of Congress than ordinary voters, and donations are more of a way to get a member’s attention, gain access, and cultivate personal relationships with them and their staff. Since Wyden and Crapo are both senior members of their committees, and likely to serve until their retirement, getting their attention with donations can be a valuable business investment.

With that in hand, what sort of support do the two senators receive from finance-related industries?

Using contribution data compiled from opensecrets.org, contributions from industries of interest and contributions from individuals and those from political action committees, or PACs can be examined.

Individual contributions are capped at $2,900 per candidate per election, meaning a donor can contribute the maximum in a primary and then again in the general election, totaling $5,800 for the election cycle. In this case, PACs are organizations created by a business (union PACs are not included in this dataset) that can fundraise from the employees of that business. Including both individual donations and PAC donations provides a broader view of support within the industry for Wyden and Crapo.

The data show that Crapo received more contributions from the commercial banking sector, $64,342 from individuals working in that industry, and $210,000 from PACs created by businesses in that industry, than did Wyden. Wyden’s contributions from commercial banks were $19,395 from individuals and $19,750 from PACs, totaling $39,145 vs. a total of $274,342 for Crapo.

Crapo also received more from finance and credit companies than did Wyden. Crapo received a total of $159,550 with $37,850 and $121,700 coming from individuals and PACs respectively. Wyden received a total of $31,173 with $11,673 and $19,500 coming from individuals and PACs respectively.

One conflating factor as it relates to these two industries is that Crapo is a member of the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee and Wyden is not. However, both commercial banks and finance and credit companies donated more to Republicans in general in 2022.

Wyden received more money from the securities and investment industry and from donors classified as being in miscellaneous finance industries than did Crapo. He also received more from retired donors than Crapo.

Crapo received $748,754 from securities investment, and finance donors, compared to $1,105,310 for Wyden. Donors in the miscellaneous finance category donated a total of $194,119 to Crapo and $311,714 to Wyden. Retired donors donated $106,692 to Crapo and $1,185,095 to Wyden.

Though retired people do on constitute an industry, their contributions are included in this analysis due to members of that group’s   use of financial products. The Senate Finance Committee is involved in the issue of retirement policy reform and passed the EARN Act earlier this year as part of a broader set of reform bills dubbed “SECURE 2.0.” Industry insiders believe this reform should pass during this Congress and it is supported by both senators.

Following the previous pattern, miscellaneous finance donors have given more to Democrats in general in 2022, as did the securities and investments industry. Retired people on the other hand, have given more to Republicans ($316.7 million) than Democrats ($289 million).

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